Saturday, 5 July 2003 - 1:18 PM EDT

Name: ibn-al-balad-misri

http://www.archaeology.org/magazine.php?page=9905/abstracts/africa

AFRICA'S STORIED PAST
BY RODERICK J. MCINTOSH

[LARGER IMAGE]


or too long, many scholars dismissed Africa as a cultural backwater unworthy of serious study. But 50 years of archaeology have shown that the continent has pottery thousands of years older than that of the Near East and Europe, true steel two and a half millennia before its nineteenth-century European "invention," and urban civilizations without despots and wars. These are more than just African insights; they are fundamental revelations about how humans have interacted with each other and their environment and how societies have changed in the past.
Archaeologists long thought that agriculture must always have preceded herding, but during the last 20 years, evidence has emerged that in Africa full-time herding appeared as early as 7500 B.C., millennia before farming. It was also thought that the idea of plant domestication was imported from the Near East around the turn of the third millennium B.C., but experiments with sorghum and millet began as early as 9,000 years ago, and full domestication independent of Near Eastern developments happened as early as 900 B.C. Furthermore, some regions of Africa have all the hallmarks of sedentarism (living year-round in the same place) without agriculture, quite at odds with the traditional model of the emergence of villages, derived from the Near Eastern Neolithic, as a consequence of cereal farming.
In Africa and just about everywhere else, archaeologists long assumed that monuments, palatial architecture, and conspicuously wealthy burials reflected some degree of stratified, state organization. A number of African cases, however, suggest that more egalitarian societies could also build great monuments, and that large cities could develop without palaces and elite burials.
Archaeologists long argued that the spread of Bantu-speaking people throughout Africa was rapid, no earlier than the first millennium A.D., and facilitated by their superior knowledge of iron technology. But excavations at various sites have shown that there is no abrupt change from the Late Stone Age (supposedly pre-Bantu) to the Iron Age (early Bantu). Stone remained in use even after iron was introduced, and so-called proto-Bantu ceramics appear even before iron. This is not to underestimate the importance of iron in Africa. Iron furnaces have been found dating from the eighth century B.C., and possibly as early as 1300 B.C.; true steel was invented by the middle of the first millennium B.C.
We can also now appreciate that the African response to outside contact was anything but passive. Slave forts and colonial cities had adjacent African trading settlements, and new states arose thanks to the economic realities of the times or new technologies like firearms or steamships.
Despite severe financial crises, several African nations have a well-trained second generation of archaeologists trained in Africa. The challenge for these scholars is to cajole their governments into adequately funding field research, museums, and research institutions; to ensure the passage of cultural property protection laws; and to find ways to make archaeology relevant to the concerns of all citizens. If they succeed, not only will they have won a victory for Africa, but they will have set an example for the rest of the world.

Saturday, 5 July 2003 - 2:23 PM EDT

Name: africulture

Very interesting. Actually pastoralism started in Africa in 10,000 BC. I have an abstract that will follow. Thanks for your comments.

Saturday, 5 July 2003 - 3:28 PM EDT

Name: Africulture

African Archaeological Review
20 (1): 25-58, March 2003
Copyright ? 2003 Plenum Publishing Corporation
All rights reserved

The Wavy Line and the Dotted Wavy Line Pottery in the Prehistory of the Central Nile and the Sahara-Sahel Belt

Abbas S. Mohammed-Ali
Department of Archaeology and Museology, King Saud University, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia; sidahmed@ksu.edu.sa


Abdel-Rahim M. Khabir
Department of Archaeology and Museology, King Saud University, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia

Abstract

The two type-sites of the Khartoum Mesolithic and Khartoum Neolithic (Khartoum Hospital and Shaheinab), in Central Sudan, were excavated at the end of the 1950s. The ceramics recovered from these sites, characterized by wavy line and dotted wavy line decoration, formed a cornerstone for identifying Mesolithic?Neolithic components along the Central Nile and across the Sahara-Sahel Belt. Moreover, they formed a model for an evolutionary sequence, and suggested a level of cultural uniformity for the Nilo-Sahara-Sahel Belt from the eighth to the fourth millennia BC. This paper examines these and other related issues.

Saturday, 5 July 2003 - 3:44 PM EDT

Name: Africulture

African Archaeological Review
15 (1): 65-79, March 1998
Copyright ? 1998 Plenum Publishing Corporation
All rights reserved

Early Settlement and Archaeological Sequence of Northeast Yorubaland

Philip A. Oyelaran
Department of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria

Abstract

This work examines the archaeological evidence for settlements in Northeast Yorubaland, using data obtained during fieldwork undertaken between 1985 and 1988. A reconnaissance survey was carried out in the vicinity of Iffe-Ijumu providing a comprehensive inventory of important archaeological features in the area. Excavations indicate that human settlement certainly extended into the ceramic phase of the West African Late Stone Age and that by at least 300 BC the rockshelters had been occupied. Evidence from the principal sites of Itaakpa, Oluwaju, and Addo indicates continuous occupation in the area during at least the last 2000 years.

Saturday, 5 July 2003 - 11:26 PM EDT

Name: Olifret Dapper description of Benin

These negroes are much more civilized than others on this coast. They
are people who have good laws and a well-organized police;[1] who live
on good terms with the Dutch and other foreigners who come to trade
among them, and showed them a thousand marks of friendship.Deceiving
and drunkenness are not their principal faults but rather lechery."
Dapper, Description of Africa, Amsterdam 1686 quoted in Schwartz
(1968) Nigeria. London: Praeger Publishers page 67.
The Dutch who visited this city in 1400 AD described it as having
polished houses, 30 main streets, good police, and offering the same
friendship to visitors as to each oth
Joao Afonso Aveiro, who was astounded by what he described as
the 'great city of Benin'
in 1668 Dapper gave an interesting account of Benin City which he
described as having 30 straight streets about 120 feet broad with
intersecting streets at right angles to them. He reported that the
Oba of the day could bring 20,000 warriors to the field in a day and
80,000 to 100,000 if necessary. Between the 15th and 16th centuries,
Edokingdom became the largest of the political systems of Guinea. It
traded far and wide. It received ambassadors from Portugal and sent
ambassadors to Europe.

In the 1600s an artist created this engraving for the Dutch writer
Olfert Dapper. The engraving was based upon descriptions from
Europeans who had traveled to Benin. In his book, Dapper wrote that
the Oba's palace was "as large as the City of Haarlem,"
including "beautiful and large square galleries about as large as the
bourse [stock exchange] of Amsterdam."
17801-OEM-0077077-74010



1.Please note that racist Pat Buchnan claimed that Africans had no organized Police forced prior to Europeans coming to Africa. The following comments by a European exploer Olifret Dapper dispels the myth.

Saturday, 5 July 2003 - 11:36 PM EDT

Name: Multi-storied Ruins Burkino Faso

(30 mi/50 km west of Gaoua) has a two-story-high stone ruin
of
unknown origin. Ita??s similar, though less impressive, than the
famous ruins
of the Great Zimbabwe National Monument. 130 mi/210 km southeast
of
Bobo-Dioulasso.

Day 12: Banfora - Gaoua (BL)
Depart Banfora and visit the mysterious stone ruins of Loropeni, whose origins are unknown but the local Gan people call them the "house of refusal"; Loropeni is also the site of a large and interesting market held every five days; overnight in Gaoua
http://www.sagatours.com/19daysMaliBFBenin.html

1. dispells another myth that Africans did not build multi-storied ruins prior to contact with Europeans.

Saturday, 5 July 2003 - 11:53 PM EDT

Name: Additional references to Igo facts

African (IGBO) Scholarship
by Uju Nkwocha Afulezi

Saturday, 5 July 2003 - 11:54 PM EDT

Name: Information about the Igbo

Igbo 101: Facts Little Told

By

Ogaranya Uju Nkwocha Afulezi, Ph.D., Duru Akwukwo III Ndi Umuohiagu

uafulezi@hotmail.com

It is amazing that the kind of education or information that were handed to us by our teachers in school or even the mass media in Nigeria regarding who we are, or are not, is often short of the living facts or reality on the ground. What we were taught, not in science or arts, but in sociology and anthropology, do not stand as facts that can be verified and certified as truth, and nothing but the truth. Methinks, we know, that the mission of education is to seek truth and propagate same undiluted, unembellished, and convincingly proven at all times. If it is a fact, then there is no "ifs" or "buts." Nobody can truly claim to be educated who doctors the truth, or manipulates facts in order to suit his or her whims and caprices. Fact is not like history said to be largely subjective, that can be doctored or manipulated. When you have arrived as a truly intellectually liberated person, is when you call facts and figures as you see them, no matter who it may concern. Besides, truth is very exhilarating and bubbles like champagne wine. If you try to stand it on its head, it quickly reverts to its natural form - truth. And if you try to force it into your mind, it tastes sour. Truth is easier to manage, falsehood shifts like quicksand. See?

For many of us, it took coming to America, and devoting significant time, aside from our normal engagements, to dispassionately study our own native societies and where we fit in the larger world in which we all inhabit. And, didn't we know that it took coming to America for people like Mbonu Ojike, Zik, Nkrumah and others, to educate themselves that Africa was a great continent, that Europe had no right to colonize Africa, that the black man was part of the great civilizations of the world contrary to the bleak picture painted of the place of the black person in the sun. Consider how much you knew about the slave trade when you were in Nigeria. Very little, I must say, at least for me. What did you know of Egypt, the pyramids, African civilizations, and the fact that man started his journey on earth from Africa? Who ever knew that there are more pyramids in Sudan than in Egypt? We were taught British Empire History, European History, History of the World, and American War of Independence. We were never taught the making of our society, the ancient and modern accomplishments of our people. We were not taught our culture, our spirituality, our trade and commerce.

In this piece, I intend to focus on the Igbo as a people. The Igbo, their culture, civilization, and their contributions to world greatness, are, perhaps, among the most little understood, taught, publicized and recognized of all human knowledge. What is sometimes upsetting is the little the Igbo themselves, including their educated sons and daughters know about themselves. Or, more bafflingly, how the educated Igbo parrot, and hold fast, without taking a second look at the false information about the Igbo, which they heard or read from scantily informed or biased sources, foreigners and natives, and, of course, the ever busy Igbo detractors.

I decided to write this article after the now familiar surprise look I get from many an educated Igbo when I begin to discuss Igbo factoids and misrepresentations. What embarrasses most of them is that certain incontrovertible, and some would say, elementary facts about the Igbo, which were always self evident, now suddenly hits them like a thunderbolt and it becomes crystal clear to them that their previous beliefs which they parroted were false. Here are a few facts in question and answers:

Question: Is Southeast and Igboland the same thing?

Answer: Not at all. Southeast is only about 3/5th of Igboland. Igboland covers the whole of Southeast, parts of Rivers, Delta, Benue, and Akwa Ibom states.

Question: Why were we taught in school that Igbo people are easterners?

Answer: It is both an unfortunate parroting by teachers and careless adoption by Igbo educated class. Igbo people come from Southern Nigeria and not Eastern Nigeria. It may be correct to say that the Igbo are found predominantly in eastern Nigeria. However, by saying that the Igbo are easterners, the implication is that the Igbo in western Nigeria, numbering about 2.5 million (Agbor, Ogwashi Ukwu, Ibuzo, Okpanam, Asaba, Orimili, Ndokwa, Anioma, etc) are not Igbos. The best known Igbo anthropologist Professor Mike Onwuejeogwu is from the western part of Nigeria, Chukwuma Nzeogwu, Dennis Osadebe, Okonkwo Adibe (the famous musician), Sony Odogwu, etc. are all from the western part of Nigeria. They are no less Igbo than those who live in the eastern part of Nigeria. The correct answer to your question is "the Igbo come from Southern Nigeria."

Question: Why do some Igbo refer to themselves as "core Igbo?"

Answer: That is clearly arrant nonsense. Nobody is core and others peripheral. All Igbo are the same. It is both arrogant, thoughtless and insensitive for anybody to regard others as marginal.

Question: Is Igboland landlocked?

Answer: Not at all. Igboland stretches from Igwe Ocha (Port Harcourt) to Agbor. The Atlantic ocean washes the shores of Igboland. Africa's second largest river - River Niger, traverses Igboland with one part of Igboland in the east and another part in the west of Nigeria. Uguta Lake has the potential of accommodating large ships and could be made a navigable port. If Igboland is landlocked, then all Nigeria is landlocked.

Question: Is there oil in Igboland?

Answer: Yes, indeed. There is a lot of oil in Imo State, Abia, Ebonyi, Rivers State and Delta States Igbo areas, and now in Anambra. Besides, Igboland has many other natural resources, including coal, limestone, etc.

Question: Are the Igbo a nation or a tribe?

Answer: The Igbo are a nation, and a very large one. There are many tribes in Igbo nation, just like you have many tribes within Israel.

Question: Why do some Ikwerre people say they are not Igbo?

Answer: First, it is not up to them to say what they are and what they are not. When God created them, He did not ask them who they wanted to be. He just created them Igbo. The only way you'll know who belongs to what ethnic group in Nigeria is the name and what language the name comes from. Anybody whose name is Amadi or Onyeri, or Eke, or Odili, Wanodi (Nwanodi) does not need to tell you who he is. He is Igbo, his politics notwithstanding.

Question: But they claim that their language is Ikwerre, not Igbo.

Answer: That is politics. Ikwerre is a dialect of Igbo language. Just like an Ngwa man speaks Ngwa Igbo, Arochukwu speaks Arochukwu Igbo, etc.

Question: Some people say that Igbo language is not complete, is it true?

Answer: No language is complete. All languages borrow from each other. Igbo language is very rich. It has inexhaustible and rich linguistic features like idioms, proverbs, aphorisms, sayings, anecdotes, riddles, folklores, etc. Igbo language is one of the major languages of the world, being spoken by millions of people.

Question: How many are the Igbo?

Answer: The Igbo are very numerous. There is educated guess that if Nigeria's census is properly enumerated, the Igbo could easily be the largest ethnic group in the country. They may number up to 40 million. Everything right now, is speculation. Nobody knows the true stratification or ethnic populations in Nigeria. The Igbo are the only ethnic group found in large numbers everywhere in Nigeria, and foreign countries more than any other ethnic group in Africa.

Question: Do the Igbo have a culture of their own?

Answer: Yes, indeed. Igbo culture is perhaps, one of the richest and all-encompassing cultures in this world. Igbo culture always observes the temporal and the spiritual aspects of cosmology. The study of Igbo culture reveals that it is extremely deep and original.

Question: Why do the Igbo wear Yoruba Agbada and Hausa babban riga but the Yoruba and the Hausa do not ever wear Igbo national dress?

Answer: Unfortunately this is the case. The Igbo have very attractive and resplendent national dresses. And they come in assortments that are extremely dignifying. The Igbo take up foreign cultures more readily than other Nigerians, and they seem not to care that nobody reciprocates their carefree attitude to life. Most ethnics promote their cultures and show off what makes them unique. Actually, it is still the same so-called educated Igbo class who behave in such disgraceful and the devil-may-care attitude.

Question: Why do the Igbo call themselves Biafrans?

Answer: Great question. Some people have the idea that Biafra originates from the Bight of Biafra. But that is wrong. There was the Kingdom of Biafra that ruled most of the ancient world about 50,000 years ago. Unfortunately, nobody talks about it, for whatever reason, I do not know. But, it is in the ancient maps of the world. If you wish I'll make a copy and send to you.

Question: Were the Igbo also taken into slavery during the slave trade?

Answer: Yes. The Igbo slaves themselves gave account of their travails in slavery. Olauda Ekwuano an Igbo ex-slave who bought his freedom in Britain was the first slave to write about his experience in slavery. His book has become a classic. You ought to find it and read it. Also, other Igbos who were brought to America revolted and some walked back on water and were said to have returned to Africa. Several books have been written about them. One of such books is "Ibo Landing." It is available in bookstores like Barnes & Noble. In Haiti, the Igbo settled there and refused to be colonized by anybody. There are many places where the Igbo left their mark or their signature.

Question: How did the Igbo know days and years?

Answer: The Igbo invented an accurate, if not the most accurate calendar called "Iguafo Igbo (Igbo Calendar)." In Igbo calendar, there are four market days - Eke, Afor, Nkwo, Orie that make one week. Four days make one week, seven weeks make one month, and thirteen months make one year. There are 28 days for each month, with the last month having 29 days. Each month starts the same day as the previous. Igbo calendar forms the perfect astronomical alignment with the cosmos, and regulates the seasons, agriculture, navigation, astrology, geography, mathematics, travel, etc.[1]

Question: Did the Igbo have their own alphabets?

Answer: Yes, indeed. It is called "Nsibidi."[2]

Question: How about mathematics; did the Igbo know mathematics?

Answer: Yes, indeed. There are such inventions as "Okwe" and "Mkpisi" which the Igbo used to resolve figures.

Question: Did the Igbo know anything about banking?

Answer: Yes. Igbo banking was more in the nature of Savings and Loans. The authentic Igbo savings and loans invention called "Isusu' in which contributions are pooled each week and one person, who has the need, collects, is still in practice. Igbo slaves took this invention to the Caribbean Islands where they still practise it and call it "Sue Sue."[3]

Question: Some people say that Igboland is too small for the Igbo, that they have no alternative than to live as Nigerians: is this true?

Answer: False. Igboland is a large country. Do every Igbo need to stay and work in Igboland? No. Everywhere in the world, some will stay home while others venture abroad in search of opportunities. Igboland is large enough for the Igbo. And it is a very rich and hospitable part of the world. It has rich soil for agriculture, abundant rainfall, good sunshine, and table land in many parts. Its land space and population are more than that of over half of the present countries in the world.

Question: Where did the Igbo come from?

Answer: That question is still being asked. There are very intriguing theories or histories now being studied. You may have heard of the Jewish angle, the Egypt angle, and the Origin of man angle. This twenty-first century, hopefully, will resolve the mystery.

Question: Why do people say that the Igbo are not united?

Answer: Those who say so, do so out of ignorance. The Igbo are famous for their unity. In the colonial period and the First Republic of Nigeria, the Igbo were always envied for their unity. Under Igbo Union, they accomplished many things. They were feared by others for this. Since after the war, the Igbo are gradually recovering and getting rid of the individualism they developed brought about by their war experience which enabled them to survive as a disinherited people. Now, there are vigorous efforts to reunite them and return them to their old glory which served them well in the past.

Question: Some people say that the Igbo are susceptible to being bought by some other Nigerians, and that they "sell" the Igbo in the bargain; is this true?

Answer: The same parroting and recycling of unfounded talk. When you hear such a talk, challenge the one who is mouthing it to give you evidence, or to cite an example of such an Igbo person. He is likely to say "what of Jim Nwobodo?" Tell him that the Igbo number about 40 million, if it would be fair for the action of one person to represent the integrity of the other 3.99.9 million. The truth is that an Igbo is like any other human being, when he sees where he can take advantage of a situation, he goes for it. It has nothing to do with "selling." Were we not told that fish clusters where the river was deepest or that the dog follows he who has crumbs? Not long ago in the history of Nigeria, other Nigerians were also running after the Igbo for crumbs because the Igbo were in position to call the shots. Things will not remain as they are today. In fact, things are changing fast.

Question: Why are other Nigerians always persecuting the Igbo?

Answer: I have always tried to know myself. I am one of those who believe that the Igbo are among the most peaceful people on earth. But, because of the fact that they are very hardworking, ambitious, and not afraid to live anywhere, or take up any task, they tend to be resented by their less ambitious and successful neighbors or hosts. When you confront a non-Igbo to say what specific offense the Igbo have committed against them, oftentimes they draw blank, or engage in fabrications, which they insist must stand for a fact. The Igbo believe in live-and-let-live. It is virtually impossible for any Igbo to rise against their guests or hosts. It has never happened in Nigeria, or elsewhere. It is an abomination in Igboland for a host to cause his guest harm. Instead, a guest is considered metaphysically and physically under the protection of the host. All Igbo deities forbid doing harm to a guest. The Igbo are accused of "loving money." I suppose the charge is based on the fact that they work hard and acquire money in the bargain. One would like to believe that the outcome of hardwork is good harvest and hopefully prosperity. If anybody takes offense at the prosperity of a hardworking person, then the Igbo or for that matter any other person or persons, have no apologies to render.

Question: Do the Igbo have their own system of jurisprudence before the arrival of the white man?

Answer: Yes. The Igbo had a system of resolving conflicts. The elders were presented with cases that could not be satisfactorily settled within the family or kindred. Matters where veracity must be ascertained, the Igbo resort to spirituality. Oath-taking is a matter left to the spirits to settle. Those who swear falsely were expected to be killed by the spirits within a given period. After the period, he is acquitted and he could celebrate with public merry-making. The Igbo did not have any prisons, but they could ostracise a culprit, exile him, or send him into slavery or to serve to a deity.

Question: Why don't the Igbo teach these things you are telling me to their children?

Answer: In the pursuit of what they taught was the "new way" either from Europeans or o Christianity, the Igbo began to distance themselves from their heritage, and in the process became lost in the wilderness of a world they hardly understand. They have learned their lesson the hard way. The twenty-first century will lead them back home.

1. This should dispell the myth that no Black Africans never devised a calender

2. This should dispell the myth that Africans never developed a writen language

3. Pat Buchanan stated that Africans had no form of treasury prior to European contact. The following should make the former Crossfire comentator with egg on his face.

Sunday, 6 July 2003 - 12:32 AM EDT

Name: Cloth industry and Manufacture in P

In the eleventh century takruru was the home of the tucolor who later
settled in futa,where they are still known as tekarir. Like the
Soninke of Ghana,the tucolor were very active traders. They too were
sending gold and slaves to the magrib,but they seem to also have
interested local trade.They imported salt from Aulil,at the mouth of
the Senegal,for distribution over large part of the Western Sudan.
Their cheif industry was the weaving of coarse cloth called by al
bakri 'chigguiya',which must have been the alchezeli mentioned as a
local product by cadamosto in the fifteenth century and the shigge
which Barth purchased in timbuktu in the nineteenth.

Page 83-84
Golden Trade of The Moors

EW Bovill [1]

1. This should dispell the myth that Africans had no indigenous manufacture like David Hume Said. Hume was a enlightment thinker who made the comments that Africans had no indigenous arts,sciences,or manufactured anything. Other Americans feel that Africans had no industry prior to Europeans colonizing. The following are are debunked and myths.

Sunday, 6 July 2003 - 12:46 AM EDT

Name: africulture

Pat Buchanan said those comments? I don't put it past him, but how would a conservative Republican know anything about Africa?

Sunday, 6 July 2003 - 12:49 AM EDT

Name: Africulture

Hume was in effect the father of racist Eurocentrism.

Sunday, 6 July 2003 - 12:51 AM EDT

Name: Western African dwellings

The Somolo live in Southern Volta. Their multistory houses,with walls
of puddled mud and ceilings and roofs of palm fronds supported on
posts. Can be seen to be a coalen scene of several circular
buildings. In the center of each house there is a tiny courtyard. The
thatched roof covers a granary. Houses sometimes consist of as many
as 20 rooms,one for each wife,as well as kitchens,stores,children's
room,granaries and grainding rooms.

Page 81

Cultural Atlas of Africa


The Yoruba live in densely populated villages and towns in the forest
areas of Western nigeria. Their houses were built around one large
courtyard and sometimes around subsidinary courtyards often no more
than 3 metersin diameter used not only to let light and air to
surrounding rooms,but also to collect rainwater in pots and tanks.

The outside walls of the houses were built of puddled mud laid in
courses,while the sides of the rooms facing the courtyard were often
open between elaboratley carved roof posts. Each house consisted of
rooms for wives,and children,a kitchen and a store room as well as
rooms for craftwork.

Page 81 Cultural Atlas of Africa


Assante live in the forest areas of Southern Ghana. Their houses were
traditionaly built around one or more courtyards,and around each were
four rooms joined at their corners with a short length of wal.
Puddled mud was used for the walls,reinforced with a wooden frame
work.[2] The sides of the rooms facing the courtyard were often left
open or partily enclosed with pillars of palm fronds with mud
plaster. Many of the walls and pillars were ornamental with complex
relief patterns.

Page 81 Cultural Atlas of Africa


Akan architecture is not only elaborate in terms of function and
building technology. It also presents, as a reflection of the people
and their spirit of independence, a variety of forms and design
principles that encode expressive messages which continue to astonish
foreign observers. Various symbols are used as base relief or
plinths, banisters, and walls in Akan architecture.

The fihankra (compound house) style of building consists of a central
quadrangle which is enclosed on all four sides with rooms.

The multi-room rectangular building [1]with an open courtyard found in
Akan houses, as captured by the fihankra symbol, marks the Akan
concept of private and public space. The Akan fihankra building used
as a home demarcates between the fie (inside, private) and abonten
(outside, public).



Fihankra - Compound House



It symbolizes protection, security and spirituality. In front of the
house is placed a stump called the Nyame dua - God's altar which
represent's God's presence and protection. When one enters the house,
the open courtyard (adiwo in Twi; Fantse call it paado) represents
the public space within the house. This open courtyard has multiple
uses. It is usually surrounded by a verandah where guests may be
received. A bigger group of guests will usually be received in the
dampan. The dampan (literally, empty room) is semi-private and has
multiple uses: from receiving guests, and holding court to laying the
dead in state during funerals. Then, there are the private rooms:
living room, bed rooms, bathrooms, etc. There is also the kitchen,
which very often extends into the open courtyard. In a big Akan
house, there is the women's quarters (mmaa mu) which will have its
own open courtyard and a number of private rooms. The kitchen and the
bathrooms will usually be in these quarters. In the Asantehene's
Palace the women's quarters is called Hia or Hyia.

The concept of fihankra reinforces the idea of close family ties and
unity.

The Akan house is not only well ventilated, it is resilient and can
withstand the hazards of storms, rainfall and the tropical hot
weather. This is encoded in the symbol mframadan - well ventilated or
breezy house shown below.


Mframadan - Well ventilated House


----------------------------------------------------------------------
----------

Nyame Dua - God's Altar

Adinkra cloth symbol called Nyame dua Tree stump called Nyame dua

Nyame dua (God's altar) is a tree stump that may be found in front of
houses or in the open courtyard of the fihankra (compound house). The
symbol signifies God's presence and God's protection. The tree stump
may hold a pot to catch direct rain water considered as holy water
for religious ceremonies.


----------------------------------------------------------------------
----------




The incorporation of symbols in Akan architecture was traditionally
limited to public buildings such as the king's palace (ahemfie) and
shrine building (abosom dan), and, in some cases, the homes of high
ranking community leaders. In contemporary times the symbols are
incorporated in both private and public buildings in order to
emphasize Akan aesthetics as well as the social significance of the
buildings.








----------------------------------------------------------------------
----------

Obaa ne oman - Woman is the Nation



From the maxim: Obaa ne oman. Literal translation: Woman is the
nation.

This symbol depicts the Akan belief that when a boy is born, an
individual is born; but when a girl is born, a nation is born.




----------------------------------------------------------------------
----------




Different symbols are used as base relief or plinths and walls. They
may be used to give a honeycomb effect or serve as screen walls
providing openings for ventilation while at the same time serving as
protection against visual intrusion.








----------------------------------------------------------------------
----------


In recent years, architects have utilized some of the symbols to
resolve design problems associated with fenestration, balustrading,
fencing and finishings in both private and public buildings. For
example, the Children's Library Complex in Accra incorporates the
symbol called mmabunu benyini (the young shall grow). The medical
students hostel at the University of Science and Technology has a
honeycomb wall that incorporates the yen yiedie (our well being)
symbol. The Catholic Holy Spirit Cathedral in Accra, the Emmanuel
Methodist Church at Labadi, Accra, Our Lady of Mercy Catholic Church
at Community One, Tema, and the walls at the front gate, as well as
the columns of the Nkonnuafieso Temple of the Kumasi National
Cultural Center are other examples of public buildings that have
incorporated several of the Akan symbols.



A wall incorporating the stool (adwa) symbol





----------------------------------------------------------------------
----------

OSIADAN NYAME - GOD THE BUILDER






----------------------------------------------------------------------
----------

YEN YIEDEE - OUR WELL BEING






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----------



ANANTUO - CALF


From the proverb: Se anantuo kosene sere a, na yadee wo mu.

Literal translation: When the calf is bigger than the thigh, then
there is a problem.


----------------------------------------------------------------------
----------




FIHANKRA - COMPOUND HOUSE

Fihankra symbol depicts the Akan family house which is rectangular
in shape and has a central courtyard. It is a symbol of protection,
security and spirituality. The open courtyard within the house serves
as the center of activities in the household.

The Akan home is shared by all members of the extended family.
Therefore, the concept of fihankra reinforces the idea of close
family ties and unity.


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The Nkonnuafieso Temple at the National Cultural Center, Kumasi

The columns and walls of this building incorporate several symbols
including biribi wo soro (there is something in the heavens)


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ASENNUA - CROSS

Symbol of SUPREME SACRIFICE, REDEMPTION, and SELFLESSNESS

From the aphorism: Yesu bewuu wo asennua so begyee adasa nkwa.

Literal translation: Jesus died on the cross to save mankind.


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FAN MILK BLOCK








An ice cream company, Fan Milk Ice Cream Company in Ghana has a
company logo which is an architectural symbol. On the left at the top
is a set of blocks with the fan milk logo and at the bottom is an ice
cream vendor peddling his bicycle around in the market place selling
Fan Milk Ice Cream products.


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A building column incorporating the biribi wo soro (there is
something in the heavens) symbol.

Base of an old house


Wall decorations of an old house
at Ejisu-Besease, near Kumasi


----------------------------------------------------------------------
----------



A collage of adinkra symbols on a ceiling at the International
Conference Center in Accra. Walls in some of the meeting rooms at
this Center have paneling that incorporates of these symbols.
http://www.marshall.edu/akanart/akanadansie.html


[1]The following should dispell the myth that Black Africans never lived in any perminant dwellings. nor had any rectangular dwellings prior to contact with other races. White supremist often state that Africans never developed anything past a mud hut,but the following dispells the myth.


[2] Notice also that the dwelling was built by supported wood frame work.

Sunday, 6 July 2003 - 1:16 AM EDT

Name: True,but we still have to combat my

Yes,Pat Buchnan said the comments in his book ''Death of the West'' He is not the only political offical that has made erroneaous comments about Africans. Richard Nixion said ''The difference between African Americans and Africans is that Africans are fresh out of trees'' We also have my arch nemesis Dinesh Dsouza who wrote a book called ''The End of Racism'' that was a New York Times Bestseller. Michael Savage recently said that '' In Africa there was nothing. Okay,so maybe the Africans worked bronze,but nothing else.''

We must fight against these myths,because the typical American knows very little about Africa. Myths like these are dangerous.

Sunday, 6 July 2003 - 3:58 AM EDT

Name: Africulture

African Archaeological Review
15 (4): 225-259, December 1998
Copyright ? 1998 Plenum Publishing Corporation
All rights reserved

Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Investigations Along the Southern Fringes of Lake Chad, 1993?1996

Detlef Gronenborn
Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe-Universitat, Seminar fur Vor- und Fruhgeschichte, Archaologie und Archaobotanik Afrikas, Robert-Mayer-Str. 1, 60054 Frankfurt am Main, Germany

Abstract

Archaeological and ethnohistorical investigations were conducted in the area around the town of Ngala in Borno State, Nigeria, situated immediately south of Lake Chad. Four mounds were excavated. Comparison with data from excavations and ethnohistorical studies provided a fairly complete picture of the settlement and cultural history of that most environmentally peculiar region. It is now evident that Late Neolithic settlers established themselves around 1000 CalBC in permanent hamlets with year-round occupation and a subsistence based not only on gathering, hunting and fishing but also on cattle herding and probably the cultivation of domesticated Pennisteum. Certainly, cultivation is attested after the onset of the Early Iron Age around 500 CalBC. Although from then on we see a steady development toward further complexity with the establishment of compact villages during the middle of the first millennium CalAD and the foundation of local principalities during the fourteenth century AD it was not before the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries AD, that the mode of subsistence and the political and societal structure typical for the area today was fully developed. By then, the wider region came under control of the Borno Empire, a situation which lasted up to the early colonial days at the onset of the twentieth century

Sunday, 6 July 2003 - 4:14 AM EDT

Name: Africulture

Biafra 50,000 years ago? Thats rather dubious. That person needs to provide more evidence of a Biafran kingdom that existed that long ago. Biafra, from what I understand, was a breakaway state of Nigeria during its civil war.

Sunday, 6 July 2003 - 4:31 AM EDT

Name: Africulture

Journal of World Prehistory
16 (2): 99-143, June 2002
Copyright ? 2002 Plenum Publishing Corporation
All rights reserved

Cattle Before Crops: The Beginnings of Food Production in Africa

Fiona Marshall
Department of Anthropology, Washington University in St. Louis, St. Louis, MO; fmarshal@artsci.wustl.edu


Elisabeth Hildebrand
Department of Anthropology, Washington University in St. Louis, St. Louis, MO

Abstract

In many areas of the world, current theories for agricultural origins emphasize yield as a major concern during intensification. In Africa, however, the need for scheduled consumption shaped the development of food production. African cattle were domesticated during the tenth millennium BP by delayed-return Saharan hunter-gatherers in unstable, marginal environments where predictable access to resources was a more significant problem than absolute abundance. Pastoralism spread patchily across the continent according to regional variations in the relative predictability of herding versus hunting and gathering. Domestication of African plants was late (after 4000 BP) because of the high mobility of herders, and risk associated with cultivation in arid environments. Renewed attention to predictability may contribute to understanding the circumstances that led to domestication in other regions of the world.

Sunday, 6 July 2003 - 4:53 AM EDT

Name: Africulture

Babatunde Agbaje-Williams

Oyo Ruins of NW Yorubaland, Nigeria

Journal of Field Archaeology 17 (1990) 367--373

Archaeological investigations have been conducted for more than three decades at Old Oyo, the capital of the Oyo Yoruba kingdom of the 17th--19th centuries. Throughout this period, the emphasis has always been on this particular site, in spite of a traditional Oyo claim that Old Oyo was just one of several such seats of the kingdom and that earlier ones lay further north, nearer the Niger River. This paper helps confirm this oral tradition. Two Oyo-related sites were identified: Koso, north of Old Oyo, and Ipapo Ile to its SE, which was fully surveyed by a systematic transect method based on a grid system that has been found useful at Old Oyo and Igboho. Koso could not be surveyed in this manner for lack of an adequate topographic map of the area.

Sunday, 6 July 2003 - 12:27 PM EDT

Name: ignore the 50,000 part. The author

''Biafra 50,000 years ago? Thats rather dubious. That person needs to provide more evidence of a Biafran kingdom that existed that long ago. Biafra, from what I understand, was a breakaway state of Nigeria during its civil war. ''

Yes,but the other information is good. The Igbo do have a indigenous banking,calender system,and writen script.
Igbo also are amung the the people who have a system of goverment that has checks and balances.

Sunday, 6 July 2003 - 1:18 PM EDT

Name: Africulture

I agree with you there. The Igbo were and still are highly advanced. The Yoruba and Igbo seem to be identical is a number of ways. Agree or disagree?

Wednesday, 9 July 2003 - 2:12 AM EDT

Name: Eredo monument in NIgeria

Legends of Nigeria's forgotten monument
The grave of Bilikisu Sungbo is seen as holy place


By Nigeria correspondent Barnaby Phillips
Deep in the Nigerian rainforest, one of Africa's greatest monuments has been virtually ignored by the outside world for hundreds of years.
In terms of sheer size it's the largest single monument in Africa
Dr Patrick Darling
Yet the Eredo earthwork lies just one hour's drive from Lagos.
Now being investigated by Dr Patrick Darling of Bournemouth University in the United Kingdom, the Eredo provides clear evidence of a powerful lost kingdom, and,
According to local tradition, the site may even shed light on the legendary Queen of Sheba.
Trekking through the rainforest you could pass within a few yards of the Eredo and not even know it was there - a great ditch hidden in the vegetation.
Built some 1,000 years ago, it encircles the ancient kingdom of Ijebu-Ode, snaking through swamps and forests.
Bigger than pyramids
Dr Darling has walked its length.
Dr Patrick Darling fears that the site might not last much longer
"In terms of sheer size it's the largest single monument in Africa - larger than any of the Egyptian pyramids," he says.
The ditch is 160 km (100 miles) long, and in places 20 metres (70 feet) deep.
"Built long before the mechanical era, it was all hand-built, requiring a large labour force and a well co-ordinated labour force working to a master plan," Dr Darling explains.
We make our way through thick tropical vegetation down to the bottom of the Eredo - its smooth walls tower above on either side of us, glowing green with moss.
It is cool and dark, with patches of sunlight filtering through the trees above.
Dr Darling has compiled an immense amount of data on the Eredo, but even he does not know why it was built.
Perhaps to keep elephants out, or as protection against foreign invaders - or perhaps to mark the territorial extent of the Ijebu-Ode kingdom at a time when the rival city states of the Yoruba people were frequently at war with each other.
Sacred place
At a clearing in the forest a local chief, Olaitan Olugbosi, who carries the title of the Baale of Oke-Eiri, is praying by the grave of the woman whom he believes built the Eredo.
Chief Olaitan Olugbosi is convinced the grave is that of the Queen of Sheba
Her name is Bilikisu Sungbo - a powerful , childless widow, who wanted a lasting memorial to her name.
Her grave is now a sacred place - thousands of Christians and Muslims come to pray here every year.
As the Baale of Oke-Eiri explains, many of them are convinced that Bilikisu Sungbo is none other than the Queen of Sheba
"All what I'm saying is in the history given to me - when she married King Solomon she became Sheba, Queen Sheba, it's in the Bible like that"
The theory is probably a little far-fetched - the queen of Sheba appears in the biblical Old Testament and in the Koran, leading most historians to believe she lived about 3,000 years ago - a full 2,000 years before the Eredo was built.
Fears for future
But Dr Darling believes that the eredo, threatened by forest clearance and encroaching farmers, needs all the publicity it can get.
He is concerned that in most places, the the side-walls of the trench are giving in and the bottom is eroded because of trees being cut down to create farm land.
"I am worried about it because unless it is properly protected it won't last more than another couple of decades," Dr Darling said.
Even in Nigeria the Eredo is virtually unheard of - yet its existence, and that of similar earthworks in nearby forests, is causing historians to re-think the entire history of West Africa.
It seems that well organised states were being formed in the rainforest region some 500 years earlier than had previously been thought.
But they have left almost nothing behind - except a great ditch through the forest, and a beguiling legend.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/607382.stm

Wednesday, 9 July 2003 - 2:19 AM EDT

Name: Fortifications in Benin

Benin's 8th Wonder
The world's largest earthworks system, 10,000 miles long, covering over 2,500 square miles and consisting of more than 500 interconnected communal enclosures, is under investigation by archaeologist Dr. Patrick Darling, according to The Independent Newspaper (UK).
Second in length only to the Great Walls of China, these ramparts, 60ft high in parts, located in Southern Nigeria is thought to have been created over a 500 year period by the Edo people of West Africa before they were overrun by the Benin Empire in the 15th century. (More on this to come in future editions of GAP News)
From GAP News April 1994
Volume 1 Number 4 page 11
http://www.globalafrica.com/ShortNews.htm

Wednesday, 9 July 2003 - 2:37 AM EDT

Name: Did Abu Bakari II go to the new wor

Africa's 'greatest explorer'

Abubakari gave up his kingdom to pursue knowledge
By Joan Baxter in Mali
An African emperor who ruled Mali in the 14th century discovered America nearly 200 years before Christopher Columbus, according to a book to be launched this month.
Abubakari II ruled what was arguably the richest and largest empire on earth - covering nearly all of West Africa.
Our aim is to bring out hidden parts of history
Khadidjah Dire
According to a Malian scholar, Gaoussou Diawara in his book, 'The Saga of Abubakari II...he left with 2000 boats', the emperor gave up all power and gold to pursue knowledge and discovery.
Abubakari's ambition was to explore whether the Atlantic Ocean - like the great River Niger that swept through Mali - had another 'bank'.
In 1311, he handed the throne over to his brother, Kankou Moussa, and set off on an expedition into the unknown.
His predecessor and uncle, Soundjata Keita, had already founded the Mali empire and conquered a good stretch of the Sahara Desert and the great forests along the West African coast.
Gold fields
The book also focuses on a research project being carried out in Mali tracing Abubakari's journeys.
"We are not saying that Abubakari II was the first ever to cross the ocean," says Tiemoko Konate, who heads the project
"There is evidence that the Vikings were in America long before him, as well as the Chinese," he said.
Most Griots are beginning to divulge Abubakari's secrets
The researchers claim that Abubakari's fleet of pirogues, loaded with men and women, livestock, food and drinking water, departed from what is the coast of present-day Gambia.
They are gathering evidence that in 1312 Abubakari II landed on the coast of Brazil in the place known today as Recife.
"Its other name is Purnanbuco, which we believe is an aberration of the Mande name for the rich gold fields that accounted for much of the wealth of the Mali Empire, Boure Bambouk."
Another researcher, Khadidjah Djire says they have found written accounts of Abubakari's expedition in Egypt, in a book written by Al Omari in the 14th century.
"Our aim is to bring out hidden parts of history", she says.
Black traders
Mr Konate says they are also examining reports by Columbus, himself, who said he found black traders already present in the Americas.
They also cite chemical analyses of the gold tips that Columbus found on spears in the Americas, which show that the gold probably came from West Africa.
Mali was a gold kingdom, but most families live in poverty
But the scholars say the best sources of information on Abubakari II are Griots - the original historians in Africa.
Mr Diawara says the paradox of Abubakari II, is that the Griots themselves imposed a seal of silence on the story.
"The Griots found his abdication a shameful act, not worthy of praise," Mr Diawara said.
"For that reason they have refused to sing praise or talk of this great African man."
Mr Diawara says the Griots in West Africa such as Sadio Diabate, are slowly starting to divulge the secrets on Abubakari II.
'Hard-nosed historians'
But the research team says an even bigger challenge is to convince hard-nosed historians elsewhere that oral history can be just as accurate as written records.
Mr Diawara believes Abubakari's saga has an important moral lesson for leaders of small nation states in West Africa, which were once part of the vast Mande-speaking empire.
"Look at what's going on in all the remnants of that empire, in Ivory Coast, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Guinea.
"Politicians are bathing their countries in blood, setting them on fire just so that they can cling to power," says Mr Diawara.
"They should take an example from Abubakari II. He was a far more powerful man than any of them. And he was willing to give it all up in the name of science and discovery."
"That should be a lesson for everyone in Africa today," concludes Mr Diawara.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/1068950.stm

Wednesday, 9 July 2003 - 2:52 AM EDT

Name: Indepdent Iron Smelting Western Afr

IRON IN AFRICA: REVISING THE HISTORY
24-06-2002 10:00 pm Paris - Africa developed its own iron industry some 5,000 years ago, according to a formidable new scientific work from UNESCO Publishing that challenges a lot of conventional thinking on the subject. Iron technology did not come to Africa from western Asia via Carthage or Merowe as was long thought, concludes "Aux origines de la metallurgie du fer en Afrique, Une anciennete meconnue: Afrique de l'Ouest et Afrique centrale". The theory that it was imported from somewhere else, which - the book points out - nicely fitted colonial prejudices, does not stand up in the face of new scientific discoveries, including the probable existence of one or more centres of iron-working in west and central Africa andthe Great Lakes area. The authors of this joint work, which is part of the "Iron Roads in Africa" project (see box), are distinguished archaeologists, engineers, historians, anthropologists and sociologists. As they trace the history of iron in Africa, including many technical details and discussion of the social, economic and cultural effects of the industry, they restore to the continent "this important yardstick of civilisation that it has been denied up to now," writes Doudou Diene, former head ofUNESCO's Division of Intercultural Dialogue, who wrote the book's preface. But the facts speak for themselves. Tests on material excavated since the 1980s show that iron was worked at least as long ago as 1500 BC at Termit, in eastern Niger, while iron did not appear in Tunisia or Nubia before the 6th century BC. At Egaro, west of Termit, material has been dated earlier than 2500 BC, which makes African metalworking contemporary with that of the Middle East. The roots of metallurgy in Africa go very deep. However, French archaeologist Gerard Quechon cautions that "having roots does not mean they are deeper than those of others," that "it is not important whether African metallurgy is the newest or the oldest" and that if new discoveries "show iron came from somewhere else, this would not make Africa less or more virtuous." "In fact, only in Africa do you find such a range of practices in the process of direct reduction [a method in which metal is obtained in a single operation without smelting],and metal workers who were so inventive that they could extract iron in furnaces made out of the trunks of banana trees," says Hamady Bocoum, one of the authors. This ingenuity was praised in the early 19th century by the Tunisian scholar Mohamed el-Tounsy, who told of travelling in Chad and Sudan and coming across spears and daggers made "with the skill of the English" and iron piping with "bends and twists like some European pipes, but more elegant and graceful and shining so brightly they seem to be made of silver." There is a true iron culture in Africa. In many communities, iron is so revered it has been given divine status. In Nigeria's Yoruba country, forges became the symbol of royalty at the end of the 9th century and Ogun, the god of iron, became the protector of the kingdom. Even today, Ogun is the chief deity of anyone working with iron. The role of blacksmiths is very important in African culture. In the Yatenga region of northern Burkina Faso, Bamogo, the ancestor of blacksmiths, is considered the saviour of humanity. It is he who supposedly makes the knife that cuts the umbilical cord, the axe that chops wood, the pick used to till the soil or help dig a grave - all of them instruments of fundamental importance for people. According to Pierre de Maret, who teaches at the Free University of Brussels, the Bantu people spread across central Africa "because of their superiority as farmers, achieved by using metal to clear forest areas, and the military superiority they acquired from having iron weapons." Among the Yoruba, it seems equally clear that the unification of the country by supporters of Oduduwa in the 10th century was very largely due to military dominance gained through the use of iron, says Isaac Adeagbo Akinjogbin, of Obafemi Awolowo University, in Ile-Ife (Nigeria). Under the Oduduwa dynasty, each kingdom had enough foundries and forges to produce all the metal tools it needed. "In 17th and 18th century Africa, at the height of the transatlantic slave trade, the Yoruba continued to use iron they produced themselves, regarding imported iron as religiously impure and 'unresponsive."' Iron technology became a key part of African spiritual life and these skills have persisted to this day. Just like their ancestors, who had "the habit of gathering bits of metal of different kinds and origins to make into new objects," says Bocoum," today's craftsmen have incorporated traditional know-how in the production of modern tools. Associations of blacksmiths, such as the one in the Medina district of Bamako, are flourishing, and turning out all kinds of everyday metal objects, mainly from scrap. Though it seemed to be disappearing at one stage because it was not commercially competitive, iron craftsmanship is today enjoying a revival in Africa. **** The Iron Roads Project Launched by UNESCO in 1991 as part of the World Decade for Cultural Development (1988-97), the Iron Roads in Africa project aims to make the continent's technological culture better known, so as to help it better confront the challenges of development. It encourages inter-disciplinary scientific research in working with iron that could influence industrial development strategies of African countries whilst offering a framework for cultural, artistic and educational activity. Along with the Silk Roads, the Roads of Faith and the Slave Route, the Iron Roads project boosts cultural diversity and counters racism by pointing to Africa's contribution to the ideals of tolerance, mutual understanding and dialogue. This same goal is found in the history books published by UNESCO, such as the "History of Humanity" and the "General History of Africa". A series of scientific meetings, in Maputo (1991), Abuja (1995), Geneva and Paris (1999), Addis Ababa (2000) and Paris (2001), organized as part of the project, resulted in a brochure called "Les Routes de Fer en Afrique" (Paris, UNESCO 2000) and a book called "Aux origines de la metallurgie du fer en Afrique, Une anciennete meconnue: Afrique de l'Ouest et Afrique centrale" (UNESCO Publishing 2002). The project includes a multi-disciplinary travelling exhibition, which was shown at UNESCO Headquarters from 26 October to 17 November 1999 along with the screening of about 30 films from all over the world about metal-working in Africa. A special "Iron Roads in Africa Prize" was created in 2000 as part of the 7th International African Arts and Crafts Trade Show in Ouagadougou and its first winner was a young Burkinabe, Thomas Bamogo. The Africa Iron Routes project is overseen by a 16-member scientific committee and administered by UNESCO's Department of Intercultural Dialogue and Pluralism for a Culture of Peace. ***** The book is currently available only in French. An English edition will be published towards the end of 2002. Sales contact: Cristina Laje, tel: (+33) (0) 1 45 68 49 30, email: c.laje@unesco.org Photos: Solange Belin, tel: (+33) (0) 1 45 68 46 87 email: s.belin@unesco.org Jasmina Sopova Bureau of Public Information Editorial Section Tel: (+33) (0)1 45 68 47 18 Email: j.sopova@unesco.org Consult the website: http://www.unesco.org/culture/ww/africa

http://portal.unesco.org/en/ev.php@URL_ID=3432&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html

Wednesday, 9 July 2003 - 3:12 AM EDT

Name: Dafuna Canoe 8000 B.C.

In Dafuna Canoe, Histrory is Being Made
ARCHAEOLOGY: By Kazeem Adeleke

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The dream is great and when fully accomplished, will be one of the greatest historical documentations and tourist attractions in the whole of Africa. "What we are trying to do is to build a museum where the canoe will be kept. There, a lot of people from across the world will come and see it. I must tell you, this will be a major tourist attraction in the whole of Africa," says Dr. Omotoso Eluyemi, Director and Chief Executive of the National Commission for Museums and Monuments last week.

Since the Dufuna canoe was discovered by a local Fulani herdsman in 1987 archaeologists have been in a frenzy about the discovery.

The canoe which was excavated by a combined team of Nigeria and German archeologists in 1994 at Dufuna, a village along the Komodugu Gana river in Fune local government area of Yobe State has continued to amaze them for the simple reason that it has changed the course of history.

Presently undergoing conservation at Damaturu, Yobe State, it was dug out from a depth of five meters beneath the earth's surface and measured 8.4 meters in length, 0.5 meters wide and about 5 cm thick varying at certain parts of the surface. The age of the canoe has been put at about 8000 years old (6000 BC), thus, becoming the oldest boat in Africa and third oldest on earth.

The canoe belongs to the Late Stone Age period (Neolithic Age), when humans ceased to roam the face of the earth hunting to become herdsmen and cultivators and in the process becoming modifier of their environment with complex social structures in response to new problems and ways of dealing with situations.

"The discovery of this boat is an important landmark in the history of Nigeria in particular and Africa in general" says Eluyemi.

Besides proving that the Nigerian society was at par(if not earlier) than that of Egypt, Mesopotamia, Minoa and Phoenicia, the discovery also provides the first concrete evidence that Africans possessed the ability to reason and have been exploring technology to modify their environment to suit their needs.

But more importantly "the canoe has shown that people in the Niger area had a history of advanced technology and that they had mastered the three major items of Paleolithic culture which were the fashioning, standardization and utilization of tools according to certain set traditions," explains Eluyemi.

But beyond that, the discovery has also revealed that, Nigerians were not static people. "It gives concrete evidence of transportation by seas as well as providing evidence of some form of long distance commercial activities indicative of existing political and economic structures."

One great benefit of the discovery is that it has helped archaeologists draw a relationship between what was happening in Nigeria and else where in the world during that period. Indications are that while Nigerians were making canoes in Dufuna village in 6000 BC, the people of Catol Huyuk in Turkey were making pottery, textiles etc, like the people of Mesopotamia (present day Iraq) were forming urban communities and the Chinese were making painted pottery in the Yang Shao region. But particularly of interest to archaeologists is the prove that some form of advanced civilization existed in the Lake Chad Basin around 6000 BC."

Documentation has showed that based on the minimal available technology during this period, the making of the Dufuna canoe must have been a ponderous task which called for mastery, specialization and ingenuity. A lot of work, man hours and skill must also have been put into the production since no iron tools were in existence at the time. The tools used were probably Post Pleistocene ungrounded core axe - like and pick - axe bifacial tools of microlithic appearance. It can be assumed that the canoe must have been made near a river to eliminate the difficulty of transporting it over long distances.

http://www.thisdayonline.com/archive/2001/03/04/20010304art01.html

A Pirogue is a wooden canoe used on the rivers of West Africa. Where trees are alrge enough, they are fabricated out of a single tree trunk, but in the Middle Niger Valey, they are made by sewing together planks of wood and packing the seams with rope and tar. Niger River pirogues are some times quite large and may displace as much as ten tons.
%% This should debunk the myth that the only means of transport that Africans had was by carrying materials on their head. The people of the Niger river often assemble boats that can haul tons. The following also debunks the myth that Africans never built a boat.

Wednesday, 9 July 2003 - 3:19 AM EDT

Name: Domestication of animals in Africa

http://216.239.51.100/search?q=cache:IOeM2xbVGPkC:www.indiana.edu/~origins/teach/TWdom_animal.pdf+&hl=en&ie=UTF-8

^^^The following should shatter the myth that Africans never domesticated or Tamed a wild animal.

Wednesday, 9 July 2003 - 3:31 AM EDT

Name: Kintampo Culture in Ghana Oldest se

http://www.sfu.ca/archaeology/dept/fac_bio/dandrea/birimi.htm

Figure 1. Map of West Africa showing the location of Birimi. Map produced by S. Wood, Simon Fraser University.

Recent palaeoethnobotanical investigations in northern Ghana have focussed on the Kintampo site of Birimi (Figures 1 and 2), in collaboration with Dr. Joanna Casey (University of South Carolina). The origin of agriculture in sub-Saharan West Africa has been associated with the Kintampo, a ceramic Late Stone Age (LSA) cultural complex dating to the fourth millennium BP. Although often described as the earliest settled agriculturalists of West Africa, the nature of Kintampo subsistence has been the object of speculation since the early 1960s. Available evidence indicates that Kintampo peoples utilised and possibly managed tropical forest margin species, such as oil palm (Elaeis guineensis), incense tree (Canariam schweinfurthii) and hackberry (Celtis). Figure 2. View of excavations at Birimi, 1996. Photo taken by Joanna Casey
Analysis of Birimi archaeobotanical samples have confirmed the association of domesticated pearl millet (Pennisetum glaucum) with the Kintampo (Figures 3, 4 and 5). Two pearl millet grain samples were submitted for radiocarbon dating by accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) to the IsoTrace Laboratory , University of Toronto, and produced determinations of 2960?370 (TO-8173) and 3460?200 (TO-8172).
Figure 3. Pearl millet growing near Birimi 1996. Photo taken by Cathy D'andrea. Figure 4. Scanning electron micrograph (SEM) of pearl millet grain recovered from Birimi. Taken by Dr. Ann Butler, University College London Figure 5. Grains of Birimi pearl millet showing dorsal, lateral, and cross-section views. Drawn by Cheryl Takahashi, Simon Fraser University
The site was sampled for charred macrobotanical remains using a manual flotation technique (Figure 6).
Figure 6. Flotation at Birimi, 1996. Photo taken by Cathy D'Andrea
Samples are dominated by a small-grained form of pearl millet, wild grasses, other wild plants, and indeterminate seeds (Figure 7).
Figure 7. Charred macroscopic plant remains recovered at Birimi
These findings represent the earliest occurrence to date of pearl millet in sub-Saharan Africa. The small-grained types cultivated by Kintampo peoples have no apparent modern analogues, and it is likely that in the domestication of this cereal, grain shape was established before substantial size increases took place. These results also demonstrate that Kintampo populations developed effective adaptations to savannas as well as tropical forest habitats. A picture is now emerging of Kintampo peoples partaking in a broad range of subsistence activities that cross-cut the complex ecology of West Africa. This underscores the impressive range of ecological knowledge Kintampo peoples must have had about survival in the varied landscapes at their disposal.


http://www.sfu.ca/archaeology/dept/fac_bio/dandrea/birimi.htm

%% This should also debunk the myth that Western Africasn never doemsticated or cultivated a crop

December 1999 I led a five-week survey expedition to the Oti River Valley in Northern Togo, West Africa, a region never before studied archaeologically. Togo is a small, essentially agricultural country of 4+ million people, no larger than the state of West Virginia. Developing archaeological knowledge and understanding about past human adaptations and settlement during the ceramic Late Stone Age and early Iron Age (ca. 4000 BC-AD 1000) in the Oti River Valley of Northern Togo was the first goal of the research project. The second was studying the origins of early farming in this part of savanna West Africa, most commonly associated with the term Kintampo complex in nearby Ghana (see map), a culture that flourished during the second millennium bc. Some other, more short-term goals included locating actual Kintampo sites and investigating the nature and chronology of freshwater oyster shell exploitation first described by Gehrts in 1915.
Kintampo sites are found in all major ecological zones; bone harpoons and fishhooks are found at some riverine sites, such as Ntereso along the Volta River (the Oti River is a major tributary of the Volta). I found a rasp (see drawing below) in the Bassar region of northern Togo. The Kintampo complex is characterized by the intensification of subsistence strategies (including oil palm and possibly yam and the appearance of domesticated goat or sheep), food processing, settlement, communication networks, exchange, personal ornamentation, and art (including shell ornaments and beads, polished stone armrings or bracelets and beads, polished stone axes of imported greenstone, and pottery with imported mica temper). Many scholars have argued for connections between the Kintampo cultural assemblage and earlier Saharan populations. It seemed therefore highly plausible that Kintampo sites were present along the Oti River, which would have served as a natural corridor for populations moving south from the ever-desiccating Saharan desert.

Stone rasp (1) and decorated potsherd (2) from Kintampo sites
The study area was a 60 km stretch of the Oti River between the district capitals of Mango and Mandouri. Several research strategies were used to select a zone where a set of systematic unaligned 500 x 500 m quadrats would be intensively surveyed. Data on current pottery types in the area was collected, including information on form, decoration, method of construction, temper types, and centers of production, data that would help interpret prehistoric ceramic patterns. Local geology was investigated for material useful for the production of stone tools (schist, flint, greenstone) and for possible iron ore deposits. Local farmers were interviewed for information about the location of oyster shell middens, smelting furnaces, slag mounds, and diagnostic artifacts associated with the Kintampo complex, especially the ?rasps,? examples of which were shown to the farmers.
The results of the initial studies revealed a number of promising shell midden sites for test excavations to obtain charcoal for radiocarbon dating, including two stratified sites exposed in the Oti River bank and two others near riverine villages. They also helped choose a zone for the intensive survey to provide a representative sample of the variety of archaeological site types in the Oti River Valley. The intensive survey, led by Roland Sawatsky, focused on eight 500 x 500 m quadrats along the eastern side of the Oti River about 30 to 40 km northeast of Mango. The survey discovered twenty-five new archaeological sites, including a number of ceramic and aceramic Late Stone Age sites, a possible Middle Stone Age site, and numerous ceramic Iron Age village sites associated with semicircular rings of ancient baobab trees, oxbow lakes, and earthen mounds as well as areas with considerable smithing slag. A single smelting furnace site was also found. A study of ceramics in the field indicated a long tradition of using sherd temper and the presence of some imported types. However, local farmers did not recognize any of the Kintampo diagnostic artifacts and no trace of Kintampo sites were found. Apparently, those responsible for the Kintampo complex did not descend from the Sahara via the Oti River Valley in Togo.
The results of the study were disappointing in that no Kintampo sites were found, most of the freshwater oyster middens had been destroyed by colonial exploitation, and the middens that remain appear to be relatively recent. Nonetheless, the expedition answered an important question about the origins of the Kintampo culture. It did not, in fact, have links with the Oti River Valley in Togo and appears to be restricted largely to Ghana, although Kintampo sites may still be found in the rock shelters and hills of the Dapango region in the far north of Togo. The failure to find ancient oyster-shell middens suggests that this pattern of exploitation is relatively recent and associated with migrations of the Ngam Ngam into the valley only a few centuries ago. Archaeologists interested in the Late Stone Age and early Iron Age smithing sites will find considerable potential for future research there. The lithic material used at the Late Stone Age sites is a microcrystalline (flint-like) rock of relatively good quality that is easy to work and leaves easily identifiable wear patterns. The village sites associated with earthen mounds also merit special study.


Phillip de Barros is a Research Associate at the Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA. Backdirteditors can be reached by email at ioapubs@ucla.edu . The Oti River trip was made possible by a $3000 Ahmanson Field Research Grant in 1999 and personal contributions from the research team: Roland Sawatsky, graduate student at Simon Fraser University; Aaron Kenny, UCLA graduate in anthropology and a former student at Palomar College; Togolese graduate student Nitoma N?Boma who is Ngam Ngam from the Oti River Valley; Craig Bjerring from Canada; and Lucie Tidjougouna, Director of the Togolese National Museum. The author thanks Professor Angele Aguigah, head of the Togolese Archaeology Program and an eighth-grade student of the author?s during his Peace Corps days, and to Dovi Kuevi, a former graduate student at UCLA and President of the Togolese Scientific Research Association

Friday, 11 July 2003 - 1:26 AM EDT

Name: Bono Manso and Bono Manso:urbanism

Bono Manso An Archaeological Investigation into Early Akan Urbanism African Occasional Papers No 2 by Effah - Gyamfi Kwaku
Bono Manso An Archaeological Investigation into Early Akan Urbanism African Occasional Papers No 2
Bono Manso An Archaeological Investigation into Early Akan Urbanism African Occasional Papers No 2 Get more Details on Bono Manso An Archaeological Investigation into Early Akan Urbanism African Occasional Papers No 2 by Effah - Gyamfi Kwaku: Editorial Reviews similar books best buy on books Average Customer Review Other Editions - Publisher informations and price

http://www.ghanadata.com/travel/areasofinterest/forestzone/ancientcityofbegho/index.htm

Saturday, 12 July 2003 - 12:10 AM EDT

Name: African archeo-astronomy

Sub-Saharan Africa: Cultural Astronomy's Heart of Darkness
by Keith Snedegar, Political Science and History Dept., Utah Valley State College

There is no more deeply primeval experience than to gaze overhead at the Milky Way arching from horizon to horizon on a pitch-dark African night. And with good reason: our species originated in Africa; it was from there that our ancestors first looked up and pondered the mysteries of the cosmos. It should strike everyone as odd, then, that cultural astronomers have paid relatively little attention to Africa. The eve of a new millennium is an appropriate time to revisit, or for many of us to contemplate for the first time, the astronomical heritage of humanity's home continent before it is too late.

With the spectacular exception of ancient Egypt, Africa has not been well served by scholarship on cultural astronomy. The disruptive consequences of slavery, colonialism, and racism imposed upon Africans in modern history, and perpetuated in a real way by continuing discrimination, at times of a quasi-scientific "Bell Curve" variety, are inescapable. There are those who would say that cultural astronomy has precious little to do with race relations, but surely the African lacuna in our multidiscipline-which embraces so many societies and time periods within its global domain--is more telling than coincidental. On the other hand, it must be said that the Afrocentric backlash against academic discrimination and neglect has had, at best, mixed results. For instance, sensational claims of advanced astronomical knowledge for the Dogon people of Mali have given African cultural astronomy an "ancient astronaut" sort of reputation. New Age enthusiasts continue to be inspired (Andoh 1999). Not only is more responsible scholarship called for, more judicious if sympathetic presentation to wider audiences is sorely needed.

In terms of research, cultural astronomy's origins as a subdiscipline of archaeology have contributed to the neglect of Africa. Quite naturally archaeoastronomers have a strong predilection for material culture, especially monumental architecture. To be somewhat unfair one might say the more monumental the architecture, the better. The relatively unimposing nature of Sub-Saharan monuments has not attracted a great rush to document astronomical alignments, symbolic geometry's, and celestial iconography's. But perhaps the breakthrough study has just been made. In 1997 McKim Malville identified some very suggestive alignments at a megalithic complex in the southern Egyptian desert at Nabta, a site of seasonal habitation for nomadic pastoralists between 11,000 and 4,800 years ago (Malville et al. 1998). One stone circle exhibits a line-of-sight 'window' at an azimuth of 62 degrees; the rising mid-summer sun would have been visible in that direction circa 6,000 years BP. This is quite fittingly the oldest astronomically aligned structure yet discovered anywhere on the planet.

Another well-known megalithic site, Namoratunga II, near Lake Turkana in Kenya may well have aided calendrical observations around 300 B.C. (Lynch and Robbins 1978). Unfortunately, in recent years no other Sub-Saharan monuments have been surveyed for their archaeoastronomical potential. Numerous sites merit such investigation: the Senegambian stone circles, the Central African Republic's Bouar megaliths, and ruins in the Great Zimbabwe tradition. With the prospect of discovery we should no doubt expect many negative results. I am personally skeptical that any alignments could be found in the irregular architecture of the Zimbabwe sites. At all events, someone should look for them. If only there were more copy cats of Lynch, Robbins and Malville than of high-school shootists!

However, the lion's share of Africa's astronomical heritage is not locked in silent stones; it exists in still-living and exceedingly rich oral traditions. For among nonliterate peoples knowledge is passed from mouth to ear. Western scholars only began to appreciate the realm of African orality after Ruth Finnegan's Oral Literature in Africa(1970). (Ironically, Finnegan is best known for her erroneous claim that there was no such thing as African epic poetry-since the 1970s dozens of African epics have come to light.) Astronomy in the African oral record remains an undeveloped subject, although its potential can be gauged by the achievement of the only monograph to date on African cultural astronomy: Muusa Galaal's Stars, Seasons, Weather in Somali Pastoral Tradition (1992). Conducting his research in the 1960s Galaal relied entirely on oral texts as the Somali language did not have a standard written form before that time! Who knows what information could be had from the griot of West Africa or the isibongi of southern Africa? Or even from common folk who remember the stories their grandparents told them. Oral tradition, sadly, is an endangered resource; the indigenous societies that had created and sustained it have, in this passing century, been negatively transformed. On a recent visit to the University of the North-West in Mmabatho, South Africa, I heard from a professor that the local people had forgotten most of their sky lore but had a great appetite for cell phones and NBA t-shirts. It is hoped that a student research project in Setswana oral knowledge will be initiated within the next academic year.

There are other positive signs. Members of the United Nations Working Group on Space Sciences in Africa have expressed an interest in recovering indigenous astronomy's for purposes of promoting culturally relevant science education. Meanwhile, Thebe Medupe, one of the leading black astronomers in South Africa, is participating in a TV documentary "Cosmic Africa" on indigenous knowledge. Much more could be done. It goes without saying that others should join in the great enterprise of recovering Africa's astronomical heritage. After all, "Mistah Kurtz--he dead."

References


Andoh, Anthony K. 1999. Creation Secrets of the Dogon Shaman, the Star Sirius and the New Age Prophecies. North Scale Inst. Pub.
Finnegan, Ruth. 1970. Oral Literature in Africa. London: Clarendon Press.

Galaal, Muusa.1992. Stars, Seasons, Weather in Somali Pastoral Tradition. Niamey: CELHTO.

Lynch, B.M. and L.H. Robbins. 1978. "Namoratunga: The First Archasoastronomical Evidence in Sub-Saharan Africa." Science 200: 766.

Malville, J. McKim, and Fred Wendorf, Ali A. Mazar, Romauld Schild. 1998. Megaliths and Neolithic Astronomy in Southern Egypt. Nature 392: 488-490.



http://www.wam.umd.edu/~tlaloc/archastro/ae32.html

Saturday, 12 July 2003 - 8:13 PM EDT

Name: Africans did domesticate and cultiv

It was wround 5000BC that pearl milliet sorghumn and cotton was
domesticated in Western Sudan
page 57

African beiginnings

By Olivia Vlahos

Monday, 25 August 2003 - 4:53 PM EDT

Name: CIVILISATION STARTED FROM YORUBA KI

CIVILISATION STARTED FROM YORUBA KINGDOM" - ALAAFIN OF OYO
Alaafin of Oyo Kingdom, Alaiyeluwa Oba (Dr.) Abdul Hameed Olayiwola Adeyemi III


HE ALAAFIN OF OYO KINGDOM, Alaiyeluwa Oba (Dr.) Abdul Hameed Olayiwola Adeyemi III is a monarch with class. He is an enigma by every standard and a chance meeting with him is like an expository adventure through a school of history.
The very urbane monarch, who worked as an insurance officer before heeding the natural call of the gods, through the Oyomesi to ascend the throne of his fore-fathers as the Alaafin of the greatest kingdom in the history of the black race - The Oyo Kingdom - is a man at home with himself at all times, as he exudes confidence in all his dealings.
One enviable highpoint in the life of this great monarch is his deep knowledge and high sense of recounting historic events with facts and figures; and with an accuracy that'll beat the imagination of youthful intellectuals. The Alaafin, at his age still remembers events of over a hundred years old, and still writes his scripts unaided. He is a consummate reader and would pass any day, for a professor of ancient/modern history and archaeology.
He spoke to a team of Focus editorial staff recently in his expansive palace, on a wide range of issues, bordering more on the rich heritage of the famous Oyo kingdom. Welcome on a historic excursion!
Kabiyesi, we would like you to recount the history of the famous Oyo Kingdom for the benefits of your children in the Diaspora
The old Oyo Empire was one of the earliest and probably, the greatest independent race in West Africa, south of the equator. At the height of its existence, the old Oyo Empire dominated all Yoruba kingdoms namely Ife, Ijesha, Egba, Ijebu, Sabe and Owu. The area occupied by the Yoruba Kingdom in south-west Nigeria, is roughly enclosed by latitude 5 and 8 degree North of the equator and Longitude 5 and 21/2 degree East. There are two versions to the origin of the Yoruba race - Migration and Aboriginality. These two theories may not necessarily be contradictory in the sense that our oral tradition was handed down to us by purely non-natives.
But this is a universal phenomenon because if you realise that at one time in history, you have the whites in South Africa; the Eastern and Southern Rhodesia, all living together on the basis of long co-existence. The same experience is also recorded in the case of migration, as there are historical and empirical evidences documented in the famous Lugard lecture series, as well as, in the researches of Saburi Biobaku, (the world acclaimed historian) that the Yoruba race is so large and wide, that it stands today as the greatest and strongest empire ever, in the entire continent of Africa.
The reign of Oranmiyan marked a new phase in Yoruba history as it witnessed the executive transfer of political power from Ile-Ife to Oyo, and thereafter, Oyo become the political headquarter of the Yoruba race, and that is where the Alaafin presides from.
According to historical studies, the Oyo palace is estimated to be sitting on about 640 acres. We still have excavations of the old Oyo Empire, and centuries after, some of the walls of the old Oyo Empire, are still standing in its original form. That is a great testimony of the architectural ingenuity of the Yoruba race.
The old Yoruba Empire distinguished itself in the world; with three very distinctive and unique models. First, it evolved a wonderfully developed constitution, though unwritten. The average Yoruba man is governed by strong convention. Secondly, the Yorubas evolved a military system that allows them to develop weaponry. The Yorubas are the first to smith iron and thus, they built foundries from where they also produced agricultural implements to boost food production. Thirdly, the Yoruba race evolved a very practical method of administration, by adopting the cabinet system of governance. If you are a good student of the evolution of British Constitution, you'd know that the cabinet system came about in Britain only as a matter of temporal expedience; it was not by design. So, as far back as the 16th Century, the old Oyo Empire developed the cabinet system of government. And from the Prime Minister, to the Alaafin, and the various divisional heads, all tiers have their roles and responsibilities clearly spelt out and adhered to with separation of powers, and inputs for checks and balances.
The military command structure is so unique that the Aare Ona Kakanfo as the generalissimo of the military led the Oyo war lords successfully to many battles between the 13th and 16th century that preserved the territorial integrity, of the Yoruba race. And during this time, Oyo extended its territorial limits up to Nupe, Dahomey, Abome, Wema, and other parts of Togo land. And today, these people are offshoots of the great Yoruba Kingdom.
Can we then say that this extension was a sort of expansionist agenda?
I won't say it is. But you see, if you're surrounded by hostile neighbours, you have to be very vigilant. We trained our army first, to ward off all external aggression, as well as protect our territorial integrity so as to have peace and economic prosperity. And for Yorubas who are natural traders to go about their dealings without feeling insecure, wherever they are under the Alaafin's domain, there was need to extend our military might to protect our people, all over.
When Dahomey attacked the smaller state of Wema in 774, the royal heads there ran to Oyo for support and the Alaafin had to raise forces to recapture the town, and that was how Dahomey came under the control of the Alaafin at the time.
It couldn't be expansionist rather; it is as a result of the aggression by other forces threatening the existence of smaller states. If you read your history books very well, you'd discover that the mere mention of "Alaafin" or "Oyo" strikes fear into other adjoining towns. The old Oyo Empire is dreaded and admired for its wide powers and influence.
Because of the strong history culturally, politically, linguistically, and traditionally there are so many things that Oyo gave to the Yoruba nation. The language we speak is the authentic version of Yoruba dialect, the drums, the clothes we wear, the way we build our houses, our ingenious corridor systems, and our underground drainage system which was designed many centuries ago. One can therefore say that civilisation started from the Yoruba race! The Yorubas established a contact with the Portuguese as far back as the 17th century and the Alaafin had maintained an ambassador with the Court of Portugal, ever since.
Kabiyesi, you have said that civilisation started from here. Would it be right then to say that Yorubas were Oyo, and vice versa?
The Oyos were not called Yorubas originally. Other groups that made up the Yoruba race preferred at the time (centuries ago) to be called Egbas, Ijeshas and whatever name they desired. But by the 19th century there was need to forge a common ground and have a standard linguistic form hence, the Oyo dialect was embraced by all Yorubas. So Yorubas are Oyo's by origin.
Many Yoruba youths believe that a town like Ilorin ought to be under Oyo Kingdom. And recently some chiefs were up graded to First Class traditional heads. What is Kabiyesi's view on this?
You see, water will always find its level, and history is very potent, no matter how hard we try to submerge it. It's like blood and water; and you know too that blood is thicker than water. Ilorin has always been a Yoruba town. Afonja was sent there, as the generalissimo of the Yoruba soldiers to protect that flank of the Oyo kingdom from the invasion of the Fulani and the Nupes.
Somehow, he got too ambitious and invited the dissident groups to his camp; cutting himself away from the major ethnic groups. Having realized that he had betrayed them, the Yoruba stock organized a palace coup and overthrew him.
The history of Ilorin is well documented. There's nowhere in Africa that you'll see a Fulani man claiming possession of Ilorin. The language, culture, nomenclature, and even tradition of Ilorin are Yoruba; and Ilorins are Yorubas. There is no dispute about this empirical fact.
How do you run this expansive palace? Do you get funding from government and why has this palace not been developed as to the status of a tourist attraction?
Well, I have written so many memoranda to the government to declare the palace a national monument. First as a major tourist attraction and more for people, from far and wide to see the architectural ingenuity of our people, so that these things are not lost; for the benefit of today's generation and those to come in the future.
When Professor Armstrong (An American) who was the Director of the Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, read the memorandum, he came here. I conducted him round the palace, and through the underground buildings which allows the Alaafin to go round the palace without coming under the direct ray of sunlight or rainfall. He marvelled, and subsequently put up a paper to the National Museum but because of the political situation in the country at the time, nothing came out of that process.
Up till now, successive governments have not yet made up their minds on what to do in preserving this rich heritage of the Yoruba race. Whether to make it a national monument or a site for tourists does not seem to be their priority, for now.
As for your other question, the running and upkeep of the palace has been the responsibility of the working class men and women of the divisions that make up the Oyo Kingdom. And the state pays the Alaafin's salaries while the palace is also maintained from the state's purse. The Alaafin have no need to spend his money to run the palace if he so desires.
But as you can see for yourself, the palace is now a shadow of its old self as things are no longer the way they used to be in the colonial era.
What is the ascendancy process to the throne of the Alaafin?
There are two main ruling houses recognised by statute to produce the Alaafin. At the demise of one Alaafin, the crown is given to the other ruling house. The first Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Atiba convened a constitutional conference of the Yorubas before he died, to discuss the succession process so that when he dies, the question of who becomes the next Alaafin does not tear the Yoruba race apart. The conference agreed that an Aremo (the crown prince) who normally would die with his father should no longer be made to die with the king. And if he's found worthy and capable by the Oyomesi (the kingmakers) to be appointed the Alaafin, he would be crowned. Otherwise, other aspirants who are eligible and are seen by the Oyomesi to be qualified to carry the heavy responsibilities of the Alaafin would be appointed to the throne.
When Atiba died, Kurunmi the Aare Ona Kakanfo at the time (15th century) reneged on the agreements. But other Yoruba nations disagreed with him, on the basis that the decision of the confab be upheld; this led to the Ijaiye war, which claimed the lives of Kurunmi and all his five children. So the succession to the throne rotates round the two major ruling houses of Ladigbolu and Adeyemi.
What does Kabiyesi think we need do to make the traditional institution more relevant to our nation politically?
The traditional institution has contributed to the political discourse of this nation. Some of us went through travails, especially during the Abacha era, for being very bold and outspoken. Though the office of the Oba does not play partisan politics, we make ourselves relevant in the political reality of the country by offering very constructive advice to our leaders.
We have channels through which we reach the authorities. We use both diplomatic and sometimes person-to-person contact to make our suggestions to them, for the betterment of the nation. It is up to them to accept and act by these advices.
Drawing from the rich reservoir of knowledge and wisdom of our forefathers, I believe we are strategically placed to offer advice to those in political authority to guide them to take good decisions. This is because, yesterday, today and tomorrow are cyclically related. Today is yesterday's future, by tomorrow, today will be the past, so in order for us to be relevant, we look substantially to what happened in the past and draw from it to offer our advice.
We are not in competition with our sons and daughters who hold political power today, but in a democracy, the usefulness of the pragmatic solutions to problems as may be proffered by the traditional institution cannot be over-emphasized. The traditional institution is very relevant in the scheme of things because it is closer to the people at the grassroots, which is where the power of the masses lies. Traditional rulers are revered and held in high esteem thus, they tend to have more grip and control on the populace.
So as traditional fathers of the nation we'd not cease to give concrete advice and suggestions to those in authority for the benefit of our people. It is left for them to listen to us, or act otherwise.
What were you doing before ascending the throne of your forefathers?
I was an insurance officer before becoming the Alaafin of Oyo. The contest to my emerging as the Alaafin actually started in 1968. I was invited along with ten others from my ruling house that contested for the vacant stool. Our candidature passed through the channels that it should go, (through the Babayaji, who is the official head of the princes). He took us to the Oyomesi for screening and we went through series of processes.
There are three parameters with which we were judged. First is eligibility, which is one's nearness to the throne. Secondly, one's popularity was considered and thirdly the ability to be able to carry the huge responsibilities of the office of the Alaafin of Oyo. We were put through rigorous screening and questioning at the end of which I emerged successful.
However, the government at the time refused to endorse my appointment, saying the procedure was not right; but we knew their action was more political, because of the travails of my late father when he was the Alaafin.
The process was started all over again yet, the Oyomesi picked me, and for the second time I was refused endorsement by the government. Same thing happened the third time. Immense pressure was put on the Oyomesi against my choice because the government had vested interest in their own candidate. But the Oyomesi stood its ground! The process was thereafter put in abeyance until after the civil war, when the process was started afresh. The Oyomesi still picked me.
I was chosen by the kingmakers on 18th November 1970 and the government approved and gazetted my appointment in December 1970; and I moved into the palace after completing the necessary rites.
Through the process, one was inducted into the mysteries of the various gods, like the Ifa mysteries, and the Sango mysteries. One was also made to undergo these inductions in order to be the direct representative of these deities on earth. You are taken through these processes so as to know all the chants, the proverbs, and the Oriki of all the past Obas.
You must also be able to know the Ifa, the praise-songs, as well as understand the sound of the drums in Yorubaland like Bata, Apekpe, Gangan, Dudun, Shekere, and Agogo. After mastering these entire features you are then crowned.
I was crowned at an impressive ceremony on the 14th of January 1971.
Kabiyesi used to be a boxer. Do you still train, Sir?
I also run, and I played football as well, but people know me more in boxing. I have awards in all these other sports. I still jog and do a lot of road walk. I do as mush as six (6) kilometres if time permits and whenever I don't have official engagements, on Saturdays or Sundays. I still skip the rope! And hectic as this responsibility is, I try not to have any dull moments in my life. I have good health.
What is Kabiyesi's best food?
I eat Amala, Pounded Yam, Abula and Ogi. Normal food, simple!
Is there any clash between your faith as a Muslim and the demands of your office as the traditional custodian of our cultural heritage?
The Yoruba race is one of the best organised anywhere in the world. We are very liberal in the sense that religion is not allowed to creep into the governance of the Yoruba race. I don't care what your religious faith is in the cabinet of the Alaafin; what matters are your contributions to improving the lot of your community. That is (absolutely) important.
As the father of all, the Alaafin practices his own religion without discriminating against others in their choice of religious inclination. If you go to my office, you'd see a copy of the Bible and the Quran.
I can recite the Quran as much as I can make references to the Bible. I am also at home with the Ifa priests just as I can communicate with Sango deities in their own language.
I am liberal as far as religion is concerned. But I don't joke with my prayers as a Muslim because I cherish the Quran a lot. It may interest you to know that I was brought up in a strict Christian home, in Lagos. I also went to a Catholic school in Lagos. I am a free mixer.
SOME WONDERS FROM THE PALACE
Artwork on the walls of the palace
Our trip to the palace of His Royal Majesty, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III was an adventure, in a way as we saw some features that will linger in our collective memories for a long time to come. We invite you to come with us, on this expository journey.
In the palace of the Alaafin of Oyo Kingdom, there is one character that has stood like a constant star in the day-to-day goings on around the compound. He is a petite looking man of about 3 feet, in height. He is simply known as Baba Morenikeji, and he's reported to be about 130 years old. He told Focus that he's the head of the palace guards. We learnt that he has served three successive Alaafins and is still active in the palace till date.
Pa Morenikeji stands as one of Kabiyesi's most influential aides such that every visitor gets to meet him first by the palace corridors before getting to see the monarch. The man is said to be single and has no child. It is amazing that at his age he is still very agile and smart. He does not use any walking stick as his legs still carry him strongly. He does not use eyeglasses, and his dentition is still in place for a man his age.
Many prefer to describe Pa Morenikeji as an unusual creature but he sees himself as a normal human being. He is one of the wonders in the palace, no doubt.
Tortoise in the garden
In the expansive garden in the palace, is a huge tortoise that has lived there for 140 years. Focus was taken to see the aged turtle which feeds on rice, eba, amala, fruits, and water. Its size is gigantic, as it is strong enough to carry up to 2 full grown adults on its back. It is at home in its abode and is peaceful. The tortoise is part of the features that make the historical palace, a wonder to behold. It is called Ijapa Oba.
There's this ancient fish pond where the Alaafin keeps gold fishes. The pond is as old as the palace and is still in place in the garden.
To many who knew that the monarch used to be a boxer in his youthful days, it would astound one to know that the Kabiyesi still trains and skips the rope. We saw the punching bag he uses for training in the garden courtyard.
http://nigeriaworld.com/feature/partners/focus/082203-alaafin.html